President Donald Trump’s unorthodox redistricting gambit, instigating red states to redraw congressional maps ahead of this year’s midterm elections to bolster the Republican Party’s thin majority in the House of Representatives, risks going spectacularly bust.
The enhanced gerrymanders, some complete and some underway, aren’t the source of the problem. For instance, the GOP could net three additional House seats—possibly five—in Texas after the state’s Republican-led Legislature enacted new boundaries last year. The problem: Trump’s middecade redistricting strategy boomeranged. Some blue states responded in kind. That includes California, where Democrats spearheaded the implementation of a friendlier map poised to erase any congressional gains Republicans make in Texas.
Indeed, it’s conceivable Democrats are the beneficiaries of Trump’s plan to improve GOP prospects for holding a House majority that rests on just a few seats. How so? No. 1, the tit-for-tat response in blue states could lead to the creation of more new seats drawn to elect Democrats versus what Republicans accrue from middecade redistricting in red states. No. 2, further gerrymandering the congressional map in red states requires slicing partisan territory from existing safe red seats, weakening incumbents. If the midterm atmosphere continues to darken for Republicans, a wider playing field of competitive districts could result.
Meanwhile, it’s not like Democrats needed any help. Broadening voter dissatisfaction with the president was already endangering Republican control of the House. Trump’s job approval rating has sunk to 42.9 percent; Democrats lead the generic ballot by 4.7 percentage points.
“Trump and his team underestimated the Democrats’ response and how it became a national rallying cry for any potential 2028 presidential candidate,” a veteran Republican operative told The Dispatch, requesting anonymity to speak candidly. “Some of the seats are cut too thin. If the bottom drops out, incumbents will be threatened.”
Redistricting typically occurs every 10 years, coinciding with the reapportionment of House districts as determined by the decennial census mandated by the Constitution. To be sure, there’s nothing in federal or state law preventing Democrats and Republicans from redrawing congressional maps in between censuses. But lawmakers usually do so only under exigent circumstances, such as a court order.
Population trends suggest states dominated by Republicans are likely to gain House seats after the 2030 census, at the expense of swing states and those with Democratic voting majorities. That timeline suited Republicans in red states. The National Republican Congressional Committee, the House GOP campaign arm, certainly didn’t push for middecade redistricting, nor was the NRCC involved in the process, knowledgeable sources confirmed to The Dispatch (the committee declined comment). The plan was hatched by the White House and an impatient Trump last summer.
Since then, a handful of majority Republican states have answered Trump’s call for redistricting. Ohio also redrew its congressional map in 2025, but did so to satisfy state law.
As of Tuesday, according to a redistricting tracker published daily by The Cook Political Report with Amy Walter, a nonpartisan handicapper, the “best case scenario” for Republicans heading into the November 3 elections was a net pickup of seven House seats. That includes new maps that have been enacted in North Carolina, Ohio, and Texas, plans for redrawn districts in Florida, and a fresh gerrymander in Missouri that is still in flux due to legal challenges and a possible voter referendum. The “best case scenario” for Democrats is a net gain of four seats. Those presume new maps in California, Virginia, and court-ordered redistricting in Utah (California is awaiting the Supreme Court but appears on track; Virginia is uncertain.)
“There’s no question that this hasn’t gone according to plan. Republicans had initially hoped to squeeze eight to 10 more seats in the House out of new maps,” Dave Wasserman, Cook’s senior editor and elections analyst, told The Dispatch.
States where redistricting could theoretically still occur in time to tilt the outcome of the midterm elections include Democratic-dominated Maryland and New York; and Republican-led Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska, and New Hampshire.
In Maryland and New York, however, candidate filing deadlines are fast approaching, after which redrawing congressional maps would be nearly impossible. Plus, in Maryland, some influential Democrats in the Legislature are rebuffing Democratic Gov. Wes Moore’s attempt to undertake a middecade gerrymander. Meanwhile, Republican leaders in Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska, and New Hampshire are either divided amongst themselves or oppose such efforts, not to mention candidate filing deadlines that are just weeks away in Nebraska and Indiana, where GOP legislators have already rejected Trump’s demands for a new map.
Wasserman emphasized that the final assessment of which party won the redistricting wars will likely boil down to what happens in Florida and Virginia.
Florida, a red state, is forging ahead with redistricting that could net the GOP up to three seats but is somewhat constrained by state regulations limiting extreme gerrymandering—districts drawn to maximize partisan or racial advantage, with boundaries that weave in and out of multiple communities. Virginia, a blue state, is attempting to adjust its congressional map to produce up to an additional four seats for Democrats. But that effort was halted by a state judge and is now bogged down in court. Another obstacle in Virginia: Democratic infighting, according to Punchbowl News.
Aside from whichever party wins this unusual redistricting war, the battle is on track to reduce the prospects for compromise and dealmaking when the 120th Congress convenes next January. “It will polarize the House even more because there will be fewer Republicans from blue states and fewer Democrats from red states,” Wasserman said. That’s due in large part to the Democrats who will be redrawn out of a job in Texas; ditto the Republicans in California.
This is largely what Matt Rexroad, a Republican operative and redistricting expert in California, predicted in an interview with The Dispatch in August to assess blowback from Democrats sparked by Trump’s push for a new congressional map in Texas. “If it’s just a straight-up trade for Texas and California, I believe Republicans are making a mistake,” he said then. Rexroad said last week that his analysis hasn’t changed, based on the new congressional boundaries produced by each state’s fresh gerrymander.
But Rexroad and other Republicans, including those reserving judgment on Trump’s middecade redistricting gamble, say the Supreme Court’s ruling in a challenge to the Voting Rights Act might rescue the GOP.
SCOTUSblog’s Amy Howe wrote in October that the court’s conservative justices, a majority on the bench, “appeared ready to strike down” racial gerrymandering as unconstitutional in a case involving district boundaries in Louisiana. If that happens, not only might Louisiana reconfigure its congressional map prior to the midterm elections, so too might Alabama. House Republicans could pick up a net total of two seats in the process.
“It’s TBD on whether or not the redistricting wars were worth it especially with Virginia not moving forward (at least temporarily) and a likely redraw in Florida,” said a Republican strategist who advises congressional candidates. “House Republicans certainly need every vote we can get so a net of a few seats could be worth it.”
The White House did not respond to an email requesting comment.
